Mystery of Love

When somebody talks about love, commonly, all human beings can relate and respond. We all know that love purely exist, so as Its mystery is still present. We know what love is, but we in our self cannot define It. Many have tried to give the meaning of love, but no one can provide the true definition of the word that Is always present everywhere yet remains as an undefined word to anyone. They say that love Is essential to people, we can acquire and give love to others.Being In love Is a magical leaning that everybody would want to have. Love Is so priceless, that even the riches person In the world cannot buy. Money can't buy love, but loves worth Is greater than money. For me, when you love someone, you must show to that person how much you care, trust and understand him. Love Is between Individuals, not only for one self. It Is not selfish, you must be willing to share love to others. Love Is not about the physical appearance, this is the reason why we can't see love, we can only feel it.We don't love just because of beauty, there is a more enough reason why we love someone. We can't explain how enchanted it is to be caught by love, we only know that the feeling is extraordinary. We must never find a reason in loving someone, for its clear that love haven't got a constant meaning so as it doesn't have a distinct reason. I believe that in love, there are no wrong decisions, there only exist wrong persons. We must never regret if someone leave or hurt us, it is just an eye opener hat the person we loved is not the right one for us.There is always a right person that is suited for us, we must learn to wait and not to rush things. We can define love on our own interpretation, that is why is so magical. The mystery of love is not yet unfolded, it continuously retains intriguing. Four lettered words with lots of different meaning and interpretation that varies on each individual. Love is everywhere around us, we must learn to wait until love found and catch us lik e there is no more escaping.

The Lesson

The story â€Å"The Lesson,† by Toni Cade Bambara, is about a young girl named Sylvia who is accompanied by a group of her friends from her neighborhood and her elderly neighbor named Ms. Moore, who tries to teach all of them a lesson about life. â€Å"The Lesson† is a realistic story that takes place in the mid-20th century that exemplifies the true difference between upper and lower classes during that time period. Although Sylvia might come off as a mean and cocky little girl, you can tell at the end that there is something deeper to Sylvia when she begins to reflect on her ay with Ms.Moore and actually seems to gain something out of the situation and you can tell Just how much sharp of an observer she truly is. Throughout the entire story, it is clearly shown that Sylvia is a mean girl. Right when Ms. Moore is introduced at the beginning of the story, Sylvia describes how she feels about her. â€Å"And we kinda hated her† (Bambara 60). She also says, â€Å"A nd I'm really hating this nappy head bitch† (Bambara 60). Although Ms. Moore is doing the children all a favor, Sylvia doesn't seem to care and doesn't even want to give her a chance.Another example for when Sylvia shows Just how mean she could be is right when she starts talking to Ms. Moore with all the other kids about money and about them going to the toy store, Sylvia mentions other things that she would rather be doing instead. â€Å"And would much rather snatch Sugar and go to the Sunset and terrorize the West Indian kids and take their hair ribbons and their money too† (Bambara 61). Not only does Sylvia come across as a rude little girl towards her peers and to the people she actually knows, but to other random children.She comes off as the neighborhood bully. Additional proof to show Just how mean Sylvia can be is when she asks Ms. Moore why she brought all of them to the toy store. Ms. Moore just simply tells Sylvia that she sounds angry and wonders why she is mad. â€Å"I'm mad, but I won't give her the satisfaction† (Bambara 64). Even when Ms. Moore Just tries to see what is bothering Sylvia, she has an attitude. Although it was Just a simple question, and Ms. Moore didn't mean it in a mean way, Sylvia still has to come off as this rude little girl.Even at the very beginning of â€Å"The Lesson,† you can already tell that Sylvia is a very ocky person. The author opens up the story showing a clear view of Just how cocky Sylvia can be. â€Å"Everyone was old and stupid or young and foolish and me and Sugar were the only ones Just right† (Bambara 60). Sylvia is implying that when it comes to her friends and everyone else she is surrounded by, she is ultimately better than them all. Sylvia's close minded cocky attitude is also shown when Ms.Moore is discussing money with the children. Sylvia acts as if she knows everything and Ms. Moore is ignorant for even bringing up such a simple subject about how money works. And M iss Moore asking us if we know what money is, like, a bunch of retards† (Bambara 60). Considering Ms. Moore is trying to do the young children a the way of her retaining the true value out of what Ms. Moore has to say. More proof to show Just how cocky Sylvia is, is at the very end of the story. After the day is done with Ms.Moore, the children decide they are going to go to Hascombs and get cream soda's. Sylvia's cousin, Sugar asks her if she would like the race down there. â€Å"She can run if she want to and even run faster. But ain't nobody gonna beat me at nuthin† (Bambara 65). Considering everything she had Just gone through and getting a reality check about life, Sylvia is still so convinced that she is the best. This shows just how much confidence she truly has in herself but at the same time her high level of confidence is easily mistaken for cockiness.Although Sylvia's attitude often gets the best of her and she seems to be Just a rude little girl, at the very end of the story you can tell that there is much more to her than you might think. You can get a better understanding of Just how sharp of a girl she truly is after the day with Ms. Moore comes to an end. When the children all decide to go get cream soda's at Hascomb's, Sylvia decides to not Join in with the rest of them. You can tell she has a lot going through her mind after getting a taste of reality by Ms. Moore. I'm going to the West End and then over to the Drive to think this day through† (Bambara 65).You can assume that although Sylvia is too stubborn to admit that she has actually gotten something out of that day, she keeps to herself and decides to reflect on what she had been introduced. Another time that Sylvia seems to let her guard down and kind of shows how she is observant to her urroundings is when she is about to walk into the toy store. She doesn't understand what the big deal is about going inside but at the same time she Just doesn't feel comfortable abou t going in. But I feel funny, shame† (Bambara 63). At this point Sylvia begins to realize that there is something to this trip to the toy store. For a second she doesn't feel as cocky and is almost insecure with herself to where she can't bring herself enough courage to Just walk into the toy store. It seems that Ms. Moore's lesson does actually affect Sylvia in the long run. She ets her mean, cocky demeanor down Just long enough to show the reader that she actually did get something out of that day.Considering the fact that she does only have that brief second of where you see her whole attitude change, you can understand Just how set in her ways she truly is. From coming off as a rude little girl throughout the entire story and then all of a sudden for that short time you get to see her actually take what she saw into consideration, you can get a better idea that there is more to Sylvia than what is illustrated to the reader throughout the duration of the story.

Juvenile delinquency: an integrated approach Essay

Rick: A â€Å"Delinquent Youth† The youth court adjudicated or judged Rick, a 14-year-old, a â€Å"delinquent youth,† for motor vehicle theft and placed him on formal probation for six months. He and a good friend took without permission a car that belonged to Rick’s father. They were pulled over by the police for driving erratically—a classic case of joyriding. Rick was already a familiar figure in the juvenile court. When Rick was 12, he was referred to the court for â€Å"deviant sex† for an incident in which he was caught engaging in sexual activity with a 14-year-old girl. The juvenile court dealt with this offense â€Å"informally.† A probation officer met with Rick and his parents to work out an agreement of informal probation that included â€Å"conditions† or rules, but no petition into court. Not long after this first offense, Rick was taken into custody by the police for curfew violation and, on a separate occasion, vandalism—he and his good friend had gotten drunk and knocked down numerous mailboxes along a rural road. In both of these instances, Rick was taken to the police station and released to his parents. Even though Rick’s first formal appearance in juvenile court was for the auto theft charge, he was already well-known to the police and probation departments. Rick was a very likable kid; he was pleasant and personable. He expressed a great deal of remorse for his delinquent acts and seemed to genuinely desire to change. He had a lot going for him; he was goal-directed, intelligent, and athletic. He interacted well with others, including his parents, teachers, and peers. His best friend, an American Indian boy who lived on a nearby reservation, was the same age as Rick and had many similar personal and social characteristics. Not surprisingly, the boy also had a very similar offense record. In fact, Rick and his friend  were often â€Å"companions in crime,† committing many of their delinquent acts together. Rick was the adopted son of older parents who loved him greatly and saw much ability and potential in him. They were truly perplexed by the trouble he was in, and they struggled to understand why Rick engaged in delinquent acts and what needed to be done about it. Rick, too, seemed to really care about his parents. He spent a good deal of time with them and apparently enjoyed their company. Because Rick was adopted as an infant, these parents were the people he considered family. Rick attended school regularly and earned good grades. He was not disruptive in the classroom or elsewhere in the school. In fact, teachers reported that he was a very positive student both in and out of class and that he was academically motivated. He did his homework and handed in assignments on time. He was also actively involved in sports—football, wrestling, and track and field. Rick’s six months of formal probation for auto theft turned into a twoyear period as he continued to get involved in delinquent acts. Through regular meetings and enforcement of probation conditions, his probation officer tried to work with Rick to break his pattern of delinquency. Such efforts were to no avail. Rick continued to offend, resulting in an almost routine series of court hearings that led to the extension of his probation supervision period. The Study of Juvenile Delinquency The continuing pattern of delinquency included a long list of property and status offenses: minor in possession of alcohol, numerous curfew violations, continued vandalism, minor theft (primarily shoplifting), and continued auto theft, usually involving joyrides in his father’s car. Rick’s â€Å"final† offense was criminal mischief, and it involved extensive destruction of property. Once again, Rick and his best friend â€Å"borrowed† his father’s car, got drunk, and drove to Edina, an affluent suburb of Minneapolis. For no apparent reason, they parked the car and began to walk along France Avenue, a major road with office buildings along each side. After walking a while, they started throwing small rocks toward buildings,  seeing how close they could get. Their range increased quickly and the rocks soon reached their targets, breaking numerous windows. The â€Å"fun† turned into thousands of dollars worth of window breakage in a large number of office buildings. Because of the scale of damage, Rick faced the possibility of being placed in a state training school. As a potential â€Å"loss of liberty case,† Rick was provided with representation by an attorney. This time, the juvenile court’s adjudication process followed formal procedures, including involvement of a prosecutor and a defense attorney. In the preliminary hearing, Rick admitted to the petition (statement of charges against him), and the case was continued to a later date for disposition (sentencing). In the meantime, the judge ordered a predisposition report. The predisposition report is designed to individualize the court’s disposition to â€Å"fit the offender.† The investigation for the report uses multiple sources of information, including information from the arresting officer, parents, school personnel, coaches, employers, friends, relatives, and, most importantly, the offending youth. The predisposition report tries to describe and explain the pattern of delinquency and then offer recommendations for disposition based on the investigation. In Rick’s case, the predisposition report attempted to accurately describe and explain his persistent pattern of property and status offending, and it offered a recommendation for disposition. Finding no information to justify otherwise, the probation officer recommended that Rick be committed to the Department of Corrections for placement at the Red Wing State Training School. Depending on one’s viewpoint, the state training school represented either a last ditch effort for rehabilitation or a means of punishment through restricted freedom. Either way, Rick was viewed as a chronic juvenile offender, with little hope for reform. It was one of those formative experiences. I [coauthor Jim Burfeind] was fresh out of college and newly hired as a probation officer. I was meeting with two experienced attorneys—one the defense, the other the prosecutor. Almost in unison, it seemed, they turned to me and asked, â€Å"Why did Rick do this? Why did he develop such a persistent pattern of delinquency?† They wanted to make sense of Rick’s delinquency, and they wondered how the  juvenile court could best respond to his case. I had become familiar with Rick only in the previous few weeks when his case was reassigned to me as part of my growing caseload as a new probation officer. Now, meeting with the attorneys to gather information for the predisposition | 3 4 | JUVENILE DELINQUENCY: AN INTEGRATED APPROACH report, I was being asked to explain Rick’s pattern of delinquent behavior to two legal experts who had far more experience in the juvenile justice system than I did. I was, after all, new to the job. How could I possibly know enough to offer an explanation? I also had the daunting responsibility of making a recommendation for disposition that the judge would most likely follow completely. Rick’s future was at stake, and my recommendation would determine the disposition of the juvenile court. As I attempted to respond to the attorneys sitting in front of me, my mind was flooded with questions. The answers to these questions became the basis for my predisposition report—an attempt to explain Rick’s delinquent behavior and, based on this understanding, to recommend what should be done through court disposition. The questions with which I wrestled included the following: Is involvement in delinquency common among adolescents—that is, are most youths delinquent? Maybe Rick was just an unfortunate kid who got caught. Are Rick’s offenses fairly typical of the types of offenses in which youths are involved? Will Rick â€Å"grow out† of delinquent behavior? Is Rick’s pattern of offending much the same as those of other delinquent youths? Do most delinquent youths begin with status offenses and then persist and escalate into serious, repetitive offending? (Status offenses are acts, such as truancy and running away, that are considered offenses when committed by juveniles but are not considered crimes if committed by adults.) Is there a rational component to Rick’s delinquency so that punishment by the juvenile court would deter further delinquency? Did the fact that Rick was adopted have anything to do with his involvement in delinquency? Might something about Rick’s genetic makeup and his biological family lend some insight into his behavior? What role did Rick’s use of alcohol play in his delinquency? Are there family factors that might relate to Rick’s involvement in delinquency? Were there aspects of Rick’s school experiences that might be related to his delinquency? What role did Rick’s friend play in his delinquent behavior? Did the youth court’s formal adjudication of Rick as a â€Å"delinquent youth† two years earlier label him and make him more likely to continue in delinquent behavior? Should the juvenile court retain jurisdiction for serious, repeat offenders like Rick? What should the juvenile court try to do with Rick: punish, deter, or rehabilitate him? Should the juvenile court hold Rick less responsible for his acts than an adult because he has not fully matured? The Study of Juvenile Delinquency | Perhaps this list of questions seems a little overwhelming to you now. We don’t present them here with the expectation that you will be able to answer them. Instead, we present them to prompt you to think about what causes juvenile delinquency and to give you an idea of the types of questions that drive the scientific study of delinquent behavior. Throughout this book, we address these types of questions as we define delinquency; consider the nature of delinquent offenses, offenders, and offending; and present a variety of theories to explain delinquent behavior. We return to Rick’s story and these questions in Chapter 14. After reading the next 12 chapters, you should have the tools necessary to think about and respond to these questions in a whole new light. ââ€"   Understanding Juvenile Delinquency The questions that shape the scientific study of juvenile delinquency constitute attempts to define, describe, explain, and respond to delinquent behavior. Rather than being asked with regard to a particular case like Rick’s, the questions that inspire the study of juvenile delinquency are cast more broadly in order to understand delinquent behavior as it occurs among adolescents. An understanding of delinquent behavior builds upon explanations that have been offered in theories and findings that have been revealed in research. The primary purpose of this book is to cultivate an understanding of juvenile delinquency by integrating theory and research. Throughout the book, we focus on the central roles that theory and research play in the study of delinquency, because these two components form the core of any scientific inquiry. Before we go any further, we must define what we mean by â€Å"juvenile delinquency.† This definition is far more complicated than you might think. In the next chapter, we offer a thorough discussion of the social construction and transformation of the concept of juvenile delinquency. Here we offer a brief working definition of juvenile delinquency as actions that violate the law, committed by a person who is under the legal age of majority. Our exploration of juvenile delinquency reflects the four basic tasks of the scientific study of delinquency—to define, describe, explain, and respond to delinquent behavior. The first two major sections of this book are devoted to defining and describing juvenile delinquency, the third section to explaining delinquent behavior, and the final section to contemporary ways of responding to juvenile delinquency. Responses to delinquent behavior, however, should be based on a thorough understanding of delinquency. Thus, an understanding of juvenile delinquency must come first. The Study of Juvenile Delinquency The first section of this book describes the historical transformation of the concept of juvenile delinquency and the methods and data sources researchers use to study involvement in delinquent behavior. We begin by developing a working understanding of what we commonly call â€Å"juvenile delinquency† (Chapter 2). This includes not only the social, political, and economic changes that led to the social construction of juvenile delinquency as a legal term, but also the contemporary transformations that have dramatically altered how we as a society juvenile delinquency Actions that violate the law, committed by a person who is under the legal age of majority. 5 6 | JUVENILE DELINQUENCY: AN INTEGRATED APPROACH view, define, and respond to juvenile delinquency. We then explore how researchers â€Å"measure† delinquency (Chapter 3). We describe the research process, various methods of gathering data and doing research on juvenile delinquency, and sources of data on crime and delinquency. The Nature of Delinquency The second section of this book presents a trilogy of chapters in which we describe the nature of delinquent offenses, offenders, and patterns of offending. Any attempt to explain juvenile delinquency must first be able to accurately describe the problem in terms of these three dimensions. Chapters 4 through 6 report research findings that describe the extent of delinquent offenses (Chapter 4), the social characteristics of delinquent offenders (Chapter 5), and the developmental patterns of delinquent offending (Chapter 6). Explaining Delinquent Behavior The third section of this book examines a variety of explanations of delinquency that criminologists have proposed in theories and examined in research related to those theories. These chapters are organized in terms of the major themes that run through seven different groups of theories. One group of theories, for example, emphasizes the importance of peer group influences on delinquency. These theories, called social learning theories, address how delinquent behavior is learned in the context of peer group relations (Chapter 11). Six other themes are also considered: the question of whether delinquency is chosen or determined (Chapter 7); the role of individual factors, including biological characteristics and personality, in explaining delinquent behavior (Chapter 8); situational and routine dimensions of delinquency (Chapter 9); the importance of social relationships, especially family relations and school experiences, in controlling delinquency (Chapter 10); the structure of society, and how societal characteristics motivate individual behavior (Chapter 12); and social and societal responses to delinquency (Chapter 13). We also apply these various explanations to Rick’s case, which opened this chapter, and examine integrated theoretical approaches (Chapter 14). Throughout the book, as we present theoretical explanations for delinquency, we weave together theories and the most relevant research that criminologists have conducted to test those theories. Responding to Juvenile Delinquency The final section of this book comprises a single chapter that describes contemporary juvenile justice (Chapter 15). We have deliberately chosen to keep the discussion of juvenile justice in one chapter, in order to provide an undivided view of its structure and process. The formal system of juvenile justice includes police, courts, and corrections. Yet a substantial amount of juvenile delinquency is dealt with informally, sometimes by agencies outside the â€Å"system.† Juvenile justice encompasses efforts at prevention, together with informal and formal action taken by the traditional juvenile justice system. Formal procedures, such as taking youths into custody and adjudicating them as delinquent youths, are central to the task of responding to juvenile delinquency. But informal procedures designed to prevent delinquency and divert youths from the juvenile justice system are far more common. The Study of Juvenile Delinquency | ââ€"   Developing and Evaluating Theories of Delinquency In 1967, two noted sociologists, Travis Hirschi and Hanan Selvin, observed that theories of delinquency suggest a â€Å"sequence of steps through which a person moves from law abiding behavior to . . . delinquency.†1 Criminological theories try to identify and describe the key causal factors that make up this â€Å"sequence of steps† leading to delinquent behavior. In doing so, theories of delinquency emphasize certain factors as being causally important and then describe how these factors are interrelated in producing delinquent behavior. Stated simply: â€Å"a theory is an explanation.†2 Components of Theories Like other scientific theories, theories of delinquency are composed of two basic parts: concepts and propositions. Concepts isolate and categorize features of the world that are thought to be causally important.3 Different theories of juvenile delinquency incorporate and emphasize different concepts. For example, the theories of delinquency we consider in later chapters include concepts such as personality traits, intelligence, routine activities of adolescents, relationship ties (called attachments), associations with delinquent friends, and social disorganization of neighborhoods. Concepts require definition.4 Definitions serve two functions: they clarify concepts and provide common understanding, and they describe how concepts will be measured for the purpose of research. Propositions tell how concepts are related. Scientific theories use propositions to make statements about the relationships between concepts.5 Some propositions imply a positive linear relationship in which the â€Å"concepts increase or decrease together in a relatively straight-line fashion.†6 For example, some theories offer the proposition that the number of delinquent friends is positively related to delinquent behavior: as the number of delinquent friends increases, so does the likelihood of delinquency. In a negative linear relationship, the concepts vary in opposite directions. For instance, one theory offers the proposition that level of attachment and delinquency are negatively related: as attachment increases, delinquent behavior decreases. Relationships between concepts may  also be curvilinear. Here, too, the concepts vary together, either positively or negatively, but after reaching a certain level, the relationship moves in the opposite direction. For example, researchers have found that parental discipline is related to delinquency in a curvilinear fashion.7 Delinquent behavior is most frequent when parental discipline is either lacking or excessive, but it is least common when levels of discipline are moderate. If you think of parental discipline as a continuum, delinquency is highest on the two ends of the discipline continuum, when discipline is lax or excessive, and lowest in the middle, when discipline is moderate. Different theories may offer competing propositions. One theory may propose that two concepts are related in a particular way, whereas another theory may claim that they are unrelated. For example, one of the major issues in delinquency theory is the role of the family in explaining delinquent behavior. One major theory contends that the family is essentially unrelated to delinquent behavior and that delinquent peers are an important factor in explaining delinquency. Another theory An explanation that makes a systematic and logical argument regarding what is important and why. concepts Isolated features of the world that are thought to be causally important. propositions Theoretical statements that tell how concepts are related. 7 8 | theory of delinquency A set of logically related propositions that explain why and how selected concepts are related to delinquent behavior. JUVENILE DELINQUENCY: AN INTEGRATED APPROACH influential theory proposes the opposite relationship, arguing that family relations are strongly related to delinquency, whereas peer relations are less important in explaining delinquency.8 To summarize, a theory of delinquency is a set of logically related propositions that explain why and how selected concepts are related to delinquent behavior.9 A theory offers a logically developed argument that certain concepts are important in causing delinquent behavior. The purpose of theory, then, is to explain juvenile delinquency. Levels of Explanation level of explanation The realm of explanation— individual, microsocial, or macrosocial—that corresponds to the types of concepts incorporated into theories. Theories of delinquency operate at three different levels of explanation: individual, microsocial, and macrosocial.10 On the individual level, theories focus on traits and characteristics of individuals, either innate or learned, that make some people more likely than others to engage in delinquent behavior. The microsocial level of explanation considers the  social processes by which individuals become the â€Å"kinds of people† who commit delinquent acts.11 Criminologists have emphasized family relations and delinquent peer group influences at this level. Some microsocial theories also point to the importance of the structural context of social interaction.12 Race, gender, and social class, for example, influence social interaction not only within families and peer groups, but in virtually all social contexts. As a result, the distinction between social process and social structure is not always clear, nor is it always useful as a means of categorizing theoretical explanations.13 At the macrosocial level, societal characteristics such as social class and social cohesiveness are used to explain group variation in rates of delinquency.14 For example, poverty, together with the absence of community social control, is central to several explanations of why gang delinquency is more common in lower-class areas.15 The level of explanation—individual, microsocial, or macrosocial—corresponds to the types of concepts incorporated into a theory.16 Individual-level explanations tend to incorporate biological and psychological concepts. Microsocial explanations most often use social psychological concepts, but may incorporate structural concepts that influence social interaction. Macrosocial explanations draw extensively on sociological concepts. Theories can be combined to form â€Å"integrated theories† (see Chapter 14), which sometimes merge different levels of explanation into a single theoretical framework. Assessing Theory We have proposed that concepts and propositions are the bare essentials of theory.17 These components, however, do not automatically produce a valid explanation of delinquency. We can begin to assess the validity of theory—the degree to which it accurately and adequately explains delinquent behavior—by paying attention to several key dimensions of theory.18 We highlight these dimensions (e.g., clarity, consistency, testability, applicability) in the following list of questions. We invite you to ask yourself these questions as you evaluate the theories of delinquency we present in later chapters and consider how well they explain delinquent behavior. 1. Conceptual clarity: How clearly are the theoretical concepts identified and defined?19 How well do the concepts and propositions fit together—how compatible, complementary, and congruent are they?20 The Study of Juvenile Delinquency 2. Logical consistency: Does the theoretical argument develop logically and consistently? Do the concepts and propositions depict a causal process leading to delinquency? 3. Parsimony: How concise is the theory in terms of its concepts and propositions? This question concerns economy of explanation. Generally, simpler is better. So if two theories explain delinquency equally well, we should favor the theory that offers the more concise explanation with the smaller number of concepts. 4. Scope: What is the theory attempting to explain?21 Some theories try to explain a wide variety of criminal acts and criminal offenders. Others focus on particular types of offenses or offenders. What question is the theory designed to answer? Theories of delinquency usually address one of two basic questions: (1) How and why are laws made and enforced? and (2) Why do some youths violate the law?22 Far more theories try to answer the second question than the first.23 5. Level of explanation: At what level (individual, microsocial, or macrosocial) does the theory attempt to explain delinquency? 6. Testability: To what extent can the theory be tested—verified or disproved by research evidence? It is not enough for a theory simply to â€Å"make sense† by identifying key concepts and then offering propositions that explain how these concepts are related to delinquency.24 Rather, theories must be constructed in such a way that they can be subjected to research verification.25 7. Research validity: To what extent has the theory been supported by research evidence? 8. Applicability and usefulness: To what extent can the theory be applied practically? In other words, to what extent is the theory useful in policy and practice? These questions reflect key concerns in assessing theory. In the end, theory is the foundation for the accumulation of knowledge, and it is indispensable for an understanding of juvenile delinquency. However, theory must be tested through research. Together, theory and research constitute the two basic components of a scientific approach to juvenile delinquency. ââ€"   Purposes of Delinquency Research Delinquency research serves two vital purposes: to generate or develop theory, and to test theory.26 In Chapter 3, we discuss research methods and sources of data used in the study of delinquency. Here we briefly describe the two purposes of research as it relates to theory. Generating Theory Research is sometimes used to gain sufficient information about juvenile delinquency to theorize about it.27 Despite the old adage, â€Å"the data speak for themselves,† research findings about delinquency require interpretation, and it is this interpretation that yields theory. As a result, the development of theoretical | 9 10 | inductive theorizing The development of theory from research observations. JUVENILE DELINQUENCY: AN INTEGRATED APPROACH explanations of delinquency requires a long, hard look at the â€Å"facts† of delinquency (repeated and consistent findings), in order to isolate and identify key concepts and then explain how these concepts are related to delinquent behavior. Along this line, Donald Shoemaker defines theory as â€Å"an attempt to make sense out of observations.†28 The difficult task of making theoretical sense of research observations is sometimes referred to as â€Å"grounded theory† or inductive theorizing. 29 In the process of inductive theorizing, research involves collecting data and making empirical observations, which are then used to develop theory. For example, Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck, whose work we discuss more fully in later chapters, spent their entire careers attempting to uncover the most important empirical findings about juvenile delinquency. They referred to their task as Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency—the title of their most important book.30 The Gluecks’ work was heavily criticized for being atheoretical, or without theory.31 Their research, however, was clearly directed at providing empirical observations that would allow for the development of a theoretical explanation of delinquency, even though they never developed such a theory.32 In recent years, their data and findings have become the basis for an important new theory called â€Å"life-course theory,† which we describe in Chapter 10. Testing Theory deductive theorizing The evaluation of theoretical statements through research. Research also provides the means to evaluate theory and to choose among alternative theories.33 In contrast to inductive theorizing, deductive theorizing begins with theoretical statements and then attempts to test the validity of theoretical predictions.34 As we already discussed, theories advance explanations of delinquency in which propositions identify certain concepts and describe how they are related to delinquent behavior. These theoretically predicted relationships can be tested through research and either verified or disproved. For example, one simple proposition of differential association theory (presented in Chapter 11) is that attitudes  favoring delinquency are learned in the context of â€Å"intimate personal groups.†35 The predicted relationship portrayed here is that youths develop attitudes from peer group relations, and delinquent behavior is then an expression of these attitudes: peer group relations âž  delinquent attitudes âž  delinquent behavior If research findings support the theoretical propositions tested, then the theory is verified or confirmed. If research findings are not consistent with the predicted relationships, then the theory is disproved. Different theories often offer different predictions. To continue with the previous example, differential association theory and social bond theory (presented in Chapter 10) provide competing predictions about the relationships between peers, attitudes, and delinquent behavior. In contrast to differential association theory, social bond theory contends that attitudes are largely a product of family relationships.36 Delinquent attitudes result in delinquent behavior. Associations with delinquent peers then follow from delinquent behavior as youths seek out friendships with others like themselves. The relationships predicted by social bond theory are as follows: The Study of Juvenile Delinquency delinquent attitudes âž  delinquent behavior âž  delinquent peer group As this brief example illustrates, theories have empirical implications, and one purpose of research is to enable scholars to choose among competing theories.37 The preceding discussion of the two purposes of delinquency research implies that the processes of inductive theorizing and deductive theorizing are completely distinct. The former is used to generate or develop theory; the latter is used to test theory. We must acknowledge, however, the complexity of the relationship between theory and research, and note that the distinction between the two purposes of research is not necessarily clear-cut. Even within the process of deductive theorizing, for example, an element of inductive theorizing exists. In deductive theorizing, researchers begin with theoretical predictions and then use empirical observations to test those propositions. The research results may lead to modification or refinement of the theory being tested. The latter part of this process, in which observations are interpreted and may result in a revised statement of theory, is consistent with the process of inductive theorizing. Although the relationship between theory and research is complex, it is clear that the development of theory and the performance of research go hand in hand.38 ââ€"   Summary and Conclusions The scientific study of juvenile delinquency attempts to describe and explain delinquent behavior through theory and research. Theory seeks to provide a systematic and logical argument that specifies what is important in causing delinquency and why. Like other scientific theories, theories of delinquency  are composed of concepts and propositions. It is necessary to assess the validity of theories, including those we apply to explain delinquency. We provided a series of questions that you can use to evaluate the theories of delinquency we present in later chapters. The second basic component of the scientific method is research. In relation to theory, research serves two purposes: to generate theory and to test theory. Research is sometimes used to gain sufficient information about juvenile delinquency so that it becomes possible to theorize about it. The development of theory from research observations is called inductive theorizing.39 Research is also used to evaluate or test theory in a process called deductive theorizing. As we noted earlier, the primary purpose of this book is to cultivate an understanding of juvenile delinquency by integrating theory and research. This chapter has offered an overview of the key elements of a scientific approach to juvenile delinquency, focusing especially on theory. We describe research methods in Chapter 3. With this basic understanding of theory and its relationship to research, we can begin our study of juvenile delinquency on solid ground. The first two sections of this book present criminologists’ efforts to define and describe juvenile delinquency, the third major section presents explanations of juvenile delinquency that have been offered in theory and tested in research, and the fourth section considers contemporary responses to delinquency. Throughout the book, we present theoretical explanations of delinquency together with the most relevant research that has tested those theories. | 11 12 CRITICAL THINKING QUESTIONS 1. Define theory without using the words â€Å"concept† or â€Å"proposition.† 2. Why does a scientific approach to juvenile delinquency depend on theory? 3. Develop your own example of inductive theorizing. Develop your own example of deductive theorizing. 4. As you read Rick’s story at the beginning of this chapter, what factors seemed most significant to you in considering why Rick engaged in delinquency? Why? SUGGESTED READING Gibbons, Don C. Talking About Crime and Criminals: Problems and Issues in Theory Development in Criminology. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1994. GLOSSARY concepts: Isolated features of the world that are thought to be causally important. deductive theorizing: The evaluation of theoretical statements through research. inductive theorizing: The development of theory from research observations. juvenile delinquency: Actions that violate the law, committed by a person who is under the legal age of majority. level of explanation: The realm of explanation—individual, microsocial, or macrosocial—that corresponds to the types of concepts incorporated into theories. propositions: Theoretical statements that tell how concepts are related. theory: An explanation that makes a systematic and logical argument regarding what is important and why. theory of delinquency: A set of logically related propositions that explain why and how selected concepts are related to delinquent behavior. REFERENCES Akers, Ronald L. Criminological Theories: Introduction, Evaluation, and Application. 4th ed. Los Angeles, CA: Roxbury, 2004. Babbie, Earl. The Practice of Social Research. 8th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1998. Bohm, Robert M. A Primer on Crime and Delinquency Theory. 2nd ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2001. Cloward, Richard A., and Lloyd E. Ohlin. Delinquency and Opportunity: A Theory of Delinquent Gangs. New York: Free Press, 1960. Cohen, Albert K. Delinquent Boys: The Culture of the Gang. New York: Free Press, 1955. ———. Deviance and Control. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1966. Cohen, Bernard P. Developing Sociological Knowledge: Theory and Method. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1980. 13 Curran, Daniel J., and Claire M. Renzetti. Theories of Crime. 2nd ed. Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon, 2001. Gibbons, Don C. The Criminological Enterprise: Theories and Perspective. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1979. ———. Talking About Crime and Criminals: Problems and Issues in Theory Development in Criminology. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1994. Gibbons, Don C., and Marvin D. Krohn. Delinquent Behavior. 5th ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1991. Gibbs, Jack P. â€Å"The State of Criminological Theory.† Criminology 25 (1987):821–840. Glaser, Barney, and Anselm L. Straus. The Discovery of Grounded Theory. Chicago, IL: Aldine, 1967. Glueck, Sheldon, and Eleanor Glueck. Unraveling Delinquency. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, 1950. Hepburn, John R. â€Å"Testing Alternative Models of Delinquency Causation.† Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 67 (1976):450–460. Hirschi, Travis. Causes of Delinquency. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1969. Hirschi, Travis, and Hanan C. Selvin. Delinquency Research: An Appraisal of Analytic Methods. New York: Free Press, 1967. Jensen, Gary F â€Å"Parents, Peers, and Delinquent Action: A Test of the Differential Association Per. spective.† American Sociological Review 78 (1972):562–575. Laub, John H., and Robert J. Sampson. â€Å"The Sutherland–Glueck Debate: On the Sociology of Criminological Knowledge.† American Journal of Sociology 96 (1991):1402–1440. Sampson, Robert J., and John H. Laub. Crime in the Making: Pathways and Turning Points Through Life. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993. Shaw, Clifford R., and Henry D. McKay. Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas: A Study of Rates of Delinquency in Relation to Differential Characteristics of Local Communities in American Cities. Rev. ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969. Shoemaker, Donald J. Theories of Delinquency: An Examination of Explanations of Delinquent Behavior. 4th ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. Short, James F Jr. â€Å"The Level of Explanation Problem Revisited.† Criminology 36 (1998):3–36. ., Stark, Rodney. Sociology. 7th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1998. Stinchcombe, Arthur L. Constructing Social Theories. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1968. Sutherland, Edwin H., Donald R. Cressey, and David F Luckenbill. Principles of Criminology. 11th ed. . Dix Hills, NY: General Hall, 1992. Turner, Jonathan. The Structure of Sociological Theory. Rev. ed. Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press, 1978. Vold, George B., Thomas J. Bernard, and Jeffrey B. Snipes. Theoretical Criminology. 5th ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. ENDNOTES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Hirschi and Selvin, Delinquency Research, 66. Bohm, Primer, 1. Turner, Structure of Sociological Theory, 2–3. Bohm, Primer, 2. See Bernard P. Cohen, Developing Sociological Knowledge, 140–148, for a full discussion of concept definition. Vold, Bernard, and Snipes, Theoretical Criminology, 4. Bohm, Primer, 2. Glueck and Glueck, Unraveling Delinquency. Sutherland, Cressey, and Luckenbill, Principles of Criminology, 211–214; and Hirschi, Causes of Delinquency, 140–146. Stark, Sociology, 2; and Curran and Renzetti, Theories of Crime, 2. Short, â€Å"Level of Explanation.† Albert K. Cohen, Deviance and Control, 43; and Gibbons, Criminological Enterprise, 9. Sampson and Laub, Crime in the Making; Sutherland, Cressey, and Luckenbill, Principles of Criminology; and Short, â€Å"Level of Explanation.† Akers, Criminological Theories, 4–5. 14 14. Albert K. Cohen, Deviance and Control, 43; Gibbons, Criminological Enterprise, 9; and Akers, Criminological Theories, 4. 15. Shaw and McKay, Juvenile Delinquency; Albert K. Cohen, Delinquent Boys; and Cloward and Ohlin, Delinquency and Opportunity. 16. Short points out, in â€Å"The Level of Explanation Problem Revisited† (3), that the level of explanation corresponds to the unit of observation and the unit of analysis. 17. Our discussion of delinquency theory comprising concepts and propositions makes theory seem simple and straightforward. But we must admit that, among social scientists, â€Å"there is still no agreed-upon view of what theory is† (Bernard P. Cohen, Developing Sociological Knowledge, 170). See also Gibbs, â€Å"State of Criminological Theory.† 18. Drawn from Bernard P. Cohen, Developing Sociological Knowledge, 191–192. 19. Shoemaker, Theories of Delinquency, 9. 20. Akers, Criminological Theories, 6–7; and Shoemaker, Theories of Delinquency, 9. 21. Akers, Criminological Theories, 6–7; and Curran and Renzetti, Theories of Crime, 3. 22. Akers, Criminological Theories, 2–6. Renowned criminologist Edwin Sutherland defined criminology as the study of law making, law breaking, and law enforcement (Sutherland, Cressey, and Luckenbill, Principles of Criminology, 3). 23. Akers, Criminological Theories, 4. Gibbons (Talking About Crime, 9–11, 73–76) describes two key criminological questions: â€Å"Why do they do it?† and â€Å"the rates question.† The first question addresses â€Å"the origins and development of criminal acts and careers,† and the second question addresses â€Å"organizations, social systems, social structures, and cultures that produce different rates of behaviors of interest† (9). See also Gibbons, Criminological Enterprise, 9; Gibbons and Krohn, Delinquent Behavior, 85–86; and Short, â€Å"Level of Explanation,† 7. 24. Akers, Criminological Theories, 7. 25. Stinchcombe, Constructing Social Theories. 26. Bernard P. Cohen, Developing Sociological Knowledge, vii, 10; and Stark, Sociology, 3. 27. Stark, Sociology, 3. 28. Shoemaker, Theories of Delinquency, 7. 29. Glaser and Straus, Discovery of Grounded Theory; and Babbie, Practice of Social Research, 4, 60–64. 30. Glueck and Glueck, Unraveling Delinquency, 1950. 31. Gibbons and Krohn, Delinquent Behavior, 83–84. 32. Laub and Sampson, â€Å"Sutherland–Glueck Debate;† and Sampson and Laub, Crime in the Making. 33. Bernard P. Cohen, Developing Sociological Knowledge, 10. 34. Babbie, Practice of Social Research, 4. 35. Sutherland, Cressey, and Luckenbill, Principles of Criminology, 88–89. 36. Jensen, â€Å"Parents;† Hepburn, â€Å"Testing Alternative Models;† and Hirschi, Causes of Delinquency. 37. Stark, Sociology, 2; and Bernard P. Cohen, Developing Sociological Knowledge, 10. 38. Gibbons, Talking About Crime, 7. 39. Stark, Sociology, 3.

Buddhism and Its Cultural Impact Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Buddhism and Its Cultural Impact - Essay Example The dissemination of such ideas and beliefs from one culture to another was facilitated through trade, migration, and warfare in the historic times. Throughout the post-classical periods, many groups of nomadic missionaries contributed to this cultural diffusion process. From such, groups, Buddhist missionaries more commonly referred to as priests or monks succeeded in inculcating the Buddhist way of life across much of the Asian region. Although Buddhism has its many forms across the Asian continent, the core belief system is reflected in all forms being practiced in countries as India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Vietnam, Nepal, China and Japan. These core beliefs have contributed to the unique cultural aspects and practices that can be observed within these cultures. In order to discuss cultural manifestations resulting from religeious teachings, it is important to define what culture denotes. Culture according to Boas, â€Å"embrace all the manifestations of social habits of a community, the reactions of the individual as affected by the habits of the group in which he lives, and the products of human activities as determined by these habits† (Boas, 1930) Thus, it is important to understand the underpinning, belief systems and religious teachings which manifest in the form of distinct cultural characteristics, ideas and technologies. Considering the Asian countries, which influenced by, Buddhism, the cultures are rich with history, heritage, religious practices and philosophies. Buddhist way of life seeks to achieve morality and well being of life through harmony and self-moderation. Buddhists are motivated by the need of wanting to break the cycle of life referred to as â€Å"Samsara†, which is perceived as a sorrowful journey eve n at its most luxurious state of living.  

MANAGERIAL FINANCE AND ACCOUNTING Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

MANAGERIAL FINANCE AND ACCOUNTING - Essay Example Particularly focusing on the financial monitoring aspect of the company, Creative Ltd. requires additional accounting resources to ensure an optimum level of efficiency and transparency in its financial reporting activities. Accounting is the monitoring and controlling of all financial transactions that take place, or are liable to take place, and it provides a transparent view of where the company stands financially at any given point in time. However within itself, we can classify it into two major segments (1) Financial, and (2) Managerial. They are discernible as follows: remains balanced. These activities include recording financial transactions, posting the double entries to general ledger, maintaining and adjusting general ledgers, closing the books and preparing financial statements. Managerial Accounting is more about monitoring financial performance, conducting variance analysis, following through with revised targets. It also encompasses the forecasting of sales, revenues, costs, budgeting activities of the firm etc. Financial Accountancy is conducted for external stakeholders of the company such as investors, Stockholders, Debt Providers, Regulatory Bodies etc. whereas Managerial Accountancy is executed for decision making within the firm and the information is mostly employed by middle and upper level management of the company. Financial Accounting is solely based on the past performance of the company, while Managerial Accounting focuses on the current predicaments and the possible future outcomes based on the previous performance of the company. (Diffen Online) Financial Accountancy requires that the data be completely objective and verifiable, whereas in the case of Managerial Accountancy, the data need not be completely objective or verifiable. This is because financial accountancy is primarily an overview of how the company has performed, thus it must be backed by accurate and concrete figures. However,

Poor Quality of Drivers Education Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Poor Quality of Drivers Education - Essay Example The conclusion of this research will summarize the main facts and bring the clear point that there needs to be more effective measures put into place in these driving courses which will better prepare young people out on the road and lower the motor vehicle fatalities that occur among young drivers on a yearly basis. In recent years the quality of driver's education courses for those in high-school have been coming under increasing levels of scrutiny due to the numerous fatalities that have been occurring among young people on rural roads and open highways. Due to the obvious problems with past performances of young drivers, following graduating from a driver's education course, requirements have been changing rapidly in this educational area in order to try and promote more responsible driving habits and increased awareness of how dangerous motor vehicles actually can be (Eisner 2002). For instance, if teens were taught about the specifics of driving and allowed to practice enough in driver's educational programs then perhaps they would gain a better comprehension on what all it entails instead of bits and pieces added in where the instructor feels it is necessary. The most important aspects of driver's educational courses for teenagers should cover even the minutest areas such as impatience while driving, what to do in an emergency, communication strategies, road rage, drunk driving, and many other fundamental points in order to try and minimize car accidents in this age group. There is no doubt that learning is a never ending process. Therefore, building up to gradual independent driving privileges, through improved driver's education classes is what it appears it is going to take to safeguard the wellbeing of more teenage drivers before they have full privileges on the road. Teenage Drivers and the Existing Concerns Common knowledge tells any competent individual that operating a motor vehicle brings with it a tremendous amount of responsibility onto the person in behind the wheel. This is because out on the road there are many lives at stake, the claim is that a number of teenagers are not mature enough or responsible enough for driving any type of motorized vehicle (Albanese 2002). The teen driver is risking his life when he brings a vehicle on the road without being confident of his driving skills or without having prior experience. It has been noticed that while most of us think that driving accidents are connected with alcohol consumption, the statistics reveals that most accidents by teenagers are caused due to immaturity and lack of experience. "Driving an automobile requires making skilled and well-timed decisions several times a second. Such decisions are based on prior knowledge and driving experience" (Bondurant 2004). However, teenagers lack this knowledge, which is the number one c ause of road accidents involving a teen driver. For this reason, it is proposed that driving age should be increased from 16 to 18 in order to allow drivers to appear on the road only after they have had some kind of mature experience on the road and are capable of making timely decision in a critical situation. While many have

The Value of ACH Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

The Value of ACH - Essay Example ACH allows analysts to disapprove a hypothesis rather than jumping into mere conclusions.1 ACH is an essential tool to all analysts. It is so because of the various strengths that it displays. Audit trial and overcoming cognitive biases are among the strengths of this tool. In audit trial, by listing of the evidence, weighing its importance and relevance illustrates the importance of ACH. Also by applying it to the available hypothesis in the matrix clearly illustrates the ACH analytic process and this creates a clear and apparent evidence trial. This helps us to explain all our findings to the decision makers and conduct some after- action reviews of our analysis to discover what went wrong or right. In overcoming the cognitive biases, ACH helps us face the alternative hypothesis in a more systematic way. Disapproving hypothesis offers more effective ways of avoiding the established roadblocks and showing how dependent analysts may be on a single piece of available evidence which may eventually lead to ongbad and weak decision making.2 However, it has some unavoidable weaknesses and limitations. ACH tends to be solely dependent on the validity of the evidence available and also it is sometimes time-consuming. On its dependence on the evidence validity, ACH analytic process is only as good as the type of evidence that is incorporated into the process. The most thoughtful process execution can sometimes be undermined in cases of disinformation and unreliable evidence. While this is an issue with all systematic strategies and is, subsequently, a feeble feedback of the strategy, it frequently calls into inquiry the apparently "investigative" after-effects of the ACH technique. Performing ACH manually tends to be arduous and long especially in cases of several hypothesis or a broad source of evidence. Analysts tend to argue that they lack enough time to

Critically evaluate, in relation to the common law duty of care, the Essay - 6

Critically evaluate, in relation to the common law duty of care, the liability of employers for references. How, if at all, doe - Essay Example Issuing of references for employees or former employees by employers is a practice that is of interest to both the employer and the employee (Middlemiss 2013, p141). The employers have an interest in understanding the extent of their liability. On the other hand, the employees have an interest in knowing whether they have the right to sue employers for economic damage arising from unjust references. In understanding the liability of employers for references, the paper will look into the relevant principles of the law by reviewing cases related to the subject in question (Lee 2011). Case studies Spring v Guardian Assurance plc and others The spring v Guardian Assurance plc and others led to the realization of the importance of pursuing acts of negligence through unjust and unfair references. Before this realization, employees who suffered from unjust references only used the tort laws to search for justice (House of Lords 1995). The option of the tort laws was not common due to the ev idential obstacles that the plaintiff faced. In the Spring v Guardian Assurance plc and others, the House of Lords came to a conclusion that, in situations where an employer decides to give a current or former employee a reference, it is the employer’s responsibility to take reasonable care in preparing or issuing the reference. It is also the employer’s responsibility to take care when verifying the information related to the reference. In addition, the House of Lords also concluded that, in situations where an employer issues a reference to a prospective or future employer, it is the employer’s responsibilities to provide care to that the employer in respect to the preparation of the reference. It further states that, in cases where a break of any of the duties occurs due to negligence in preparing the reference, the employer issuing the reference can be held responsible for damages to the employee, prospective employer or future employer (UKHL, 1994). The emp loyer issuing a reference has the responsibility to act in a fair manner towards the employee to protect the employee from suffering from economic losses due to negligence in issuing the reference. The employer also has a duty of care towards the employer receiving the reference because the recipient employer relies on the reference information in providing employment to the subject of the reference (McBride 2004, p.420). Therefore, the employer’s decision to employ the employee is largely influenced by the information provided on the reference. This point makes it reasonable to hold the employer issuing the reference responsible for any economic damage that the prospective employer suffers (Middlemiss 2004, p.67). In another example, it was concluded in the Legal Assurance Ltd v Kirk that, in a situation where an employer makes an informal statement regarding an employee that is not relied on by a third party, there is no liability due to negligence even if there is no any r eference issued. However, this claim was not accepted by the Court of Appeal because it was based on speculations on how the employer might respond when requested for a reference (Middlemiss 2004, p62). A different approach in understanding the liability of employers for reference is evident in Bartholomew v London Borough of Hackney. In this case, an employer issuing

East Asia Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

East Asia - Essay Example North Korea has a history of poor relations with its neighbors. Even though fighting stopped after the ceasefire of the Korean War in 1953, both South and North Korea are still at war with each other. Korea was spilt into North and South Korea after the WWII and ever since they have never had cordial relations. As early as 1950, North Korea tried to capture the southern region but was defeated. In 1972 they agreed to work towards peaceful reunification but it was short-lived (Historyofnations, 2005). Recently its nuclear weapon program has prompted the express concerns of its neighbors including Japan, China, South Korea and Russia. While each of these countries have been condemning the missile tests, they have taken a different stand on how to deal with the affairs concerning North Korea. In 1998, North Korea had launched a midrange missile over Japan, which provoked Japan to take stern action. This prompted Japan to strengthen its military ties with US and transform its own Self-Defense Forces into a full-fledged military. In 2006, Japan took a very firm stand and threatened to impose economic sanctions against North Korea (Onishi & Kahn, 2006). It would cut off money transfers from Japan which means cutting off a significant source of cash for North Korea. It had also banned the North Korean Mangyongbong-92 ferry from entering its ports for six months in 2006. This was a vital link for transferring cash and supplies to North Korea. Japan had tried to normalize relations with North Korea even though the latter had abducted Japanese citizens in the 1970s and 1980s to teach Japanese language and culture to the North Korean army (Duk-Min, 2005). Japan has strained relations with South Korea and China and it needs the support to be tough with North Korea in imposing eco nomic sanctions. China and South Korea have in the recent years increased their economic activities with North partly to save the

The Indian Ocean Essay Example for Free

The Indian Ocean Essay In 2004, the world most witnessed one of the most devastating natural disasters that had occurred in the last 100 years. On December 26th of that year, an earthquake in the Indian Ocean spawned an enormous tsunami that claimed the lives of thousands in the surrounding lands. In the months following the tsunami, many wondered what steps could be taken to minimize human loss in the event of such an unavoidable natural event. As a result, scientists began to seek an improved early alert system to detect tsunamis. Almost two years after the Indian Ocean earthquake, NASA’s Earth Observatory announced the development of a new seafloor pressure recording system that is designed to detect tsunamis shortly after their development. The new system is expected to extend alert times in addition to avoiding false alarms. The project is being supervised by the German National Research Centre for Geosciences, located in Potsdam, Germany. Scientists from the Alfred Wegener Institute for Polar and Marine Research are directing the project. Additionally, Optimare and develogic are companies that are working on the acoustic-based portion of the system known as PACT. See more topics Road safety. The Zentrum fur Marine Umweltswissenschaft and the University of Rhode Island are also working on PACT. Though generally thought to be a single giant ocean wave, tsunamis are actually made of multiple waves. In many instances, the affected shoreline can be repeatedly hit by several large waves. Tsunamis are caused by a sudden motion in the ocean floor which can be the result of an earthquake, volcanic eruption, an underwater landslide, or the impact of a large meteorite. Most tsunamis are caused by earthquakes that originate in subduction zones, or areas where an oceanic plate is being forced into the earth’s mantle. Where there is a great amount of friction between two plates, the overriding plate can become distorted and as a result a large amount of energy is stored, often over decades of centuries. After the stored seismic energy exceeds the frictional forces between the two plates, the distorted plate suddenly returns to its original position and an earthquake results. The overlying water is displaced, generating large waves that spread outward from the epicenter. The newly developed system measures vibration and horizontal seafloor movements in order to locate seaquakes, which could possibly generate tsunamis. The measurements that are taken from the seafloor are obtained and analyzed with a matter of just a few minutes. Data is collected and analyzed every 15 seconds. Water levels are also measured off the coast using bottom pressure sensors to detect any rises in sea level before the large waves reach the shallower waters along the coast. So far the system has proven to be compact, reliable, and energy efficient. At this point, an acoustic modem sends information to a second modem, which sends a satellite message, or telegram, to the warning center, delivering notification of a tsunami. After two years of development, none of the telegrams were lost, which believed to be an early indication of the system’s crucial reliability. The new system will be implemented into the pre-existing global system which is used to detect tsunami events. Further testing will be conducted in the Mediterranean. The developers will also examine the reliability of the system’s ability to transmit under different weather conditions. The development of this improved system shows great progress in the effort to provide effective warnings for tsunamis, thereby reducing the number of casualties. The potential for the success of this system has been indicated in a series of successful tests and the fact that no telegrams have been lost to date. Much still remains to be seen, however, in determining the limits of the system and discovering factors like weather conditions may contribute to reduced efficiency of the system. The article does not mention the important aspect of how those who are in the path of a tsunami will be notified that they may evacuate in time to avoid the disaster. This is of particular importance in the case of remote villages and areas where technological infrastructure may not be developed to the level of more industrialized regions. No matter how quickly the data is collected and transmitted to the warning center, it is imperative that the information regarding the approaching tsunami be delivered to those who may be affected in a timely manner. Delivering information to remote regions may be a challenge that the developers will need to address as they attempt to meet the need for early warning in the areas that lie along the Indian Ocean. Though there are still potential concerns that need to be evaluated, it is promising that an advanced system has been put in place over a relatively short period of time. Furthermore, there is now an alert system in a region where previously no such mechanism existed. This may provide greater protection and preparedness to a region that has already seen the devastation that a tsunami can do. If the system continues to be successful and is implemented into the global system, it will eventually save many lives and it may also allow scientists to learn more about the seismic activity that occurs under the ocean floor. In conclusion, NASA’s article provides an informative report on an important milestone in the development of a system that will not only help people across the earth prepare for natural disasters, but that also may lead to groundbreaking discoveries that could allow scientists to additional important discovers that can help us to better understand our planet Works Cited Earth Observatory. Tsunami-recording in the Deep Sea. 25 November 2007. NASA. 17 November 2007. http://earthobservatory. nasa. gov/ Newsroom/ MediaAlerts/ 2007/2007111925951. html.

The Analysis of Body Language Intercultural Communications

The Analysis of Body Language Intercultural Communications Abstract With the international communication becoming closer,except the verbal communication in daily life, we may encounter many body languages. These body languages can express their mood or even substitute one sentence. Therefore, in order to understand the intercultural communication better, this dissertation first introduces the relationship between culture and language, then briefly explains what body language is and its function in intercultural communication, subsequently, briefly analyses the differences of the same body language in different cultures. At last, the dissertation suggests that when studying English language, one cant ignore the huge body language, it will be helpful with our English study. Key words: Language; culture; body language; intercultural communication I. Introduction With the international communication becoming more and more frequently, Chinese people may have many chances to get in touch with foreigners. They always use many body languages with their talk. It is a funny phenomena. Shakespeare said Theres language in her eyes, her cheek, her lip, Nay, her foot speaks. Indeed, these body language not only can make their word lively, but also express the speakers mood, or even substitute a sentence. What the body language means when they use for communication?This is the necessary knowledge of English study. Any kind of body language is formed on the foundation of culture. Without understanding the true meaning of a body language, it will embarrass or make mistake. Therefore, this dissertation will analysis the differences of same body language in the different cultures and suggest to study English on the premise of understanding their culture. II. Literature review 2.1 Culture and language 2.1.1 Culture The definition of culture is evolving as time passes. In the west, at first it was used to describe some ability of person which represent a form of act. Then culture used to describe the real achievement of a instructed person. And in 1952, a book of Alfred L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn named Culture. A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions was give a general definition based on more than 160 kinds of cultures definition which was identified by modern east and west academic circle. And in China, its meaning was that with the understanding of all phenomena of human social, govern the world with instructing and inspiring. In the Confucian concept, wen not only means word, but also refer to all the rules of etiquette and music in general. In ancient Chinese language, culture meant guiding people with ethics. Culture is a complex concept and changing with human social. However, the word culture is most commonly used in three basic senses: Excellence of taste in the fine arts and humanities, also known as high culture An integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for symbolic thought and social learning The set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, organization or group 2.1.2 Language Language is the important thinking and communicating tool of human being. With language people can keep and pass human civilization achievement. In general, any nation has its own language. It is a notable character of a nation and has long history. Language is closely related with thought. It is the carrier and exhibition form of thought. Language is a social phenomenon with stability and nationality. Though many animals can make sound to express their emotion or deliver message, these sounds are regular without change. Only person have language and can combine all the sounds that have no meaning to become a meaningful morpheme, then put these morphemes together in many ways to form utterance. Using infinite changing form to express infinite changing meaning. 2.1.3 The relationship between language and culture Culture and language are mutual dependence and can not be separated. Language is part of culture, it is the media of culture communication. We use language to communicate, and language is largely influenced by culture. The relationship between culture and language is on the foundation of nation. A nation produces language, at the same time produces culture. Edward Sapir thought that language can not exist without culture. The culture we talk about is social custom and belief. It can decide our life structure. Linguistician Palmer said that language faithfully reflects all the history and culture, game and amusement, belief and prejudice of a nation. As a part of nations culture, language reflects the nations visage, at the same time, language reflects the content of culture as form. Language is the important carrier of culture. Other carriers such as historical site, book, or painting, only show part or even a corner of culture. But language stores all the information of culture comprehensively. Language consists of voice, vocabulary and grammar. Vocabulary, especially the notional word, bear the important responsibility of carrying culture. Time passes, and many new words are coming into being, such as virtual floating, means netizens put their worries and secrets in the virtual bottle without knowing who will get it. All of these are anonymous. And kickback, the original of this word is that the International Olympic Committee will open an ethics investigation into Issa Hayatou over allegations the African football official took kickbacks from FIFAs former marketing agency. But these new words hardly possible become part of culture. Only those language fact that integrate into the bottom life deeply, chosen and washed out by history, enter the basic nation voc abulary is the sign of language affect culture profoundly. For example, Buddhism have been spreaded about 2000 years. Some words like free, retribution, disengagement, hell are coming from Buddhism. These words have already integrated into Chinese become part of it. Culture has effect on language semiotic system itself, language concept, thought and expression, and language learning. Nation culture is decided by the meaning of vocabulary. Different culture tradition and mentality have definitively function to it. Such as dragon, the western people have no favor to it, they thought it is monster, cruel person, stand for devil. But in ancient Chinese culture it stands for the son of heaven and the emperor, lucky and honorable. The reference content and way of culture are decided by the cultures person and persons culture. For example, Cantonese cant see snow for the whole year, so they do not distinguish ice and snow in concept. The northman say à ¥Ã¢â‚¬  Ã‚ °Ãƒ ¦Ã‚ £Ã‚ , and Cantonese say à ©Ã¢â‚¬ ºÃ‚ ªÃƒ ¦Ã‚ Ã‚ ¡. But the Eskimo who live in arctic pole always contact with snow and have a perceptive. There are more than 20 kinds of words used to describe different snow. As the carrier and express tool of thought, language promote the developm ent of thought, on the other hand, language is restricted by thought. For instance, Chinese say à §Ã‚ Ã‚ «Ãƒ ¨Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¦, that is à §Ã‚ Ã‚ « and à ¨Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¦, looking into the physics function of à §Ã‚ Ã‚ « and à ¦Ã‚ ±Ã‚ ½. But in English, there is railway train, look into the move way of rail and track. To understand the culture of English countries is the important step of English study. The research of language and culture is divided into language culture and language in culture. So culture is divided into two part: big culture and small culture.(Bright, 1976) Here is a form: language Big culture other cultural phenomena Culture Verbal language Small culture Non-verbal language Body language is the important part of non-verbal language. Non-verbal language and culture are learned behaviour and social custom that rich in long history heritage. The relationship between both have these characters in someone like Samovar etals eyes: culture and non-verbal language can not be divided. Many non-verbal languages are the result of learning culture. The shaping and impacting of non-verbal behaviour are always decided by determinate culture environment. It is very important to understand the relationship between culture and non-verbal language. (Samovar etal, 1981) Samovar thought that through understanding the basic represent mode of some cultures non-verbal language, we can search peoples behaviour and attitude. Through non-verbal language mode can understand a sort of cultures value system. Through the research of non-verbal language can exclude the narrow ethnocentrism. The most realistic signification of researching the relationship between culture and non-verba l language in intercultural communication is to resolve the culture conflict in non-verbal language. People always do not realize the learning of their own culture, but very sensitive with other cultures non-verbal language and easily produce misunderstand. Worth the whistle, the culture conflict brought by non-verbal language is serious than that brought by verbal language. Because non-verbal language always is the expression of sensibility and emotion. Samovar put forward that to resolve the non-verbal language culture conflict in international communication should remember the follow three principles when understand the meaning of other cultures non-verbal language: 1. When pay attention to the behaviour of a non-verbal language can not ignore that there are manifold non-verbal language cooperative work in real communication. 2. Anyone can not list and describe all the non-verbal language in any culture. But if we can understand exactly the information of some usually used non-verbal language under the international communication environment, it will be helpful to understand the necessary information. 3. Only understand our cultures non-verbal language first, can we understand other cultures behaviour. Under international communication, to identify the message of non-verbal language should avoid modal or only notice superficies. Be sure to keep in mind that any non-verbal language does not appear lonely, nor deliver any message consciously. Pay special attention to that when study foreign language, international communication activity, and international research, for the need of communicating, studying and researching, people have to make a summation and generalization of the non-verbal language of the same country and the same language nation to sum up some representative non-verbal language. However, in real communication, people must find that the non-verbal language in the same country and nation are not just the same. Even in the same area, it is differ in thousands of ways between the people in different occupations, different age groups and different culture levels. Such as America which is famous for multinational immigrant living together, their non-verbal language are ver y hard to be consistent. So as the different English country, the differences are more further. III. Body language 3.1 Definition Body language is a way of communication that body movements which use head, eyes, neck, hands, arm, foot or other parts of the body to express peoples thought and emotions. Facial expressions, eye contact and other postures and gestures are the commonly used body movement. In a general sense of word, body language includes facial expression, in a narrow sense of word, body language only includes the meaning expressed by body and four limbs. The assortment of body language was advanced by Ruesch and Kees in 1956 according to the basic component of non-verbal language. It involves sign language, action language, and object language. The other assortment was advanced by M. Knapp in 1978 through the analysis of some pertinent researching and literatures. That are body motion and kinesics behaviour, physical characteristics, touching behaviour, paralanguage, proxemics, artifacts, environmental factors. Subsequently, Jensen advanced another statement: body motion and gestures, attitudes to ward time, attitudes toward space, general habits in communication. The research of human body language can trace back to Aristotle in Greek. The formally research was beginning from Darwin. In his 1872 book The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals put forward that man and animals have many similar expressions. The systemic research of body language must come first Ray Birdwhistell. His 1952 book Introduction to Kinesics put forward the theory of kinesics. Made the body language become a coding system like verbal language to study the relationship between body movement and communication. Body Language of Julius Fast is a representative work that reflects the research result of body language. This book is known as the summary of the scientists research in the body language field. From then on, body language becomes a boundary science and produces new research result continuously. According to estimates, human body can make out more than 270,000 kinds of posture and movement. This is far more than the sound made out by human body. These postures and movements meaning are very complex. Some are definite and material as some are general and blurry. Some are used to communicate as some are used to self-express. Some are expressing emotion message as some are reflecting character and attitude. So the sort of body language is very complex. The body language classification method of Ekman and Friesen has important effent in non-verbal language communication educational circles. According to all the movements origin, usage and code, they divided human face and bodys continuous movement into five parts: 1. Symbolic movement: these movements have clearly meaning, such as the gesture express OK and victory. Symbolic movement always used to substitute verbal language. In general, they have distinct culture character. For example, the movement means suicide, in Japan, people use hand to simulate dagger to thrust the abdomen, and in America, people use hand to simulate a gun shot temple. 2. Illustrative movement: these kind of movements cooperate with verbal language directly to explain the meaning of the talking. For example, to emphasize a sentence, describe a thought, indicate a material, depict a space relationship, characterize a things rhythm and speed, portray a phenomena , describe a body movement, explain a sentences meaning, etc. 3. Emotion revealing movement: mainly through facial expression to show emotion or mood, of course the other part of body can also express these emotion. Express the emotion can repeat, exaggerate,deny the verbal language, or may be no relationship with it. Express the emotion always deliver the message of communication unconscious, but also can use it in communicating conscious. 4. Modulation movement: this kind of movement is used for maintaining or adjusting the talk in the face-to-face talk. It drops a hint that the speaker can keep talking, repeat again, explain further, speak fast or more lively, let other people have a talk, etc. In recent years, people pay attention to the research of the turn-talking in chat. Turn-talking means that telling the opposite side I want to talk; stopping the speaker changing the topic; asking the other side to give me a speaking chance; let the other side keep talking; telling the others that I have finish my talking and you can speak. The usually used movement is head and eye movement. 5. Adaptable movement: Ekman and Friesen divide it more further: 1). Self-adaptable movement: this kind of movement always happen on personally, such as, holding own hand, rubbing hand, grabing, scratching, clutching, nipping, whisking or gathering the cloth. In general, the emotion is more disconcerting, the pretty actions are more distinguished. Picking nose and wiping eyes belong to this kind. 2). Transformational adaptable movement: this kind of movement take place in the connect with other people. Such as, bringing or delivering, attacking or protecting, close or away. Leg movement can react that encroach, footsie or attack. Shaking hand or foot means fidgety that the person want to avoid talking. 3). Object adaptable movement: this kind of movement always relate to the using of material, such as smoking and writing. 3.2 The function of body language in intercultural communication As the necessary communication tool, body language has important function in intercultural communication. Bradford J. Hall(2002) summarized the mainly function of body language language: 1. Repetition: Body language can reinforce the verbal language by repeating the verbal message nonverbally, such as using a gesture, it can help the receiver understand the message easily. For example, when someone ask you where is the restaurant, you can point a certain direction when you say, the restaurant is north the library. Or we point to the question on the book we just ask. 2. Substitution: Body language can be used to replace some verbal language to deliver a certain meaning. When your friend meet a sad thing that make him cry, you can give him a hug. This is more powerful than any soothing words. 3. Contradiction: Body language sometimes can betray the speaker by sending contradictory message to the verbal language. The body language is often regarded as the powerful word than the spoken words. For example, we cant keep our face from blushing even say we dont nervous or we cant slow down our heartbeat if we are scared. And the teacher can find a student is wandering from the eyesight even though his eyes are staring the blackboard. So the body language is reliable than the verbal language sometimes. 4. Accentuation: It can force the power when you add a body language with your talk than only use verbal language. When you apologize to someone, if an apology show on you face, this can make your apology more conviction. In addition, body language can provide a complement to the verbal language. In some countries, you can up you thumb as the same time you give a admiration to your friends for his good performance. 5. Regulation: The body language also helps us to control the situation of our talking. For example, when we need a quiet, we can put our finger on our lip. IV. The analysis of the differences of the same body language in different cultures 4.1 The different meaning of the same body language in different cultures Here contrast some body languages that usually used but have different meaning. If you use a very awful body language, this might bring a badly result. 1. In China, up the thumbs means good to praise you are doing a good job, bravo and so on. It is same in many countries. If thumbs down means disagree, finish or youre game over. But in Australia, no matter it up or down is obscene. 2. Protrude the index finger means wait a minute in America, but in Australia it means one more beer. 3. Protrude the little finger means cowardly man in England as bet in America. 4. The V for victory or peace sign in America if made with the palm facing inward is taunting or sneering in England. It is very offensive to societys morals. 5. American people sometimes up head, palm facing down, index finger across the throat, it means Im full. I cant eat anymore. But it means decapitation in China. 6. When Chinese people communicating with foreign people, the most antipathetic movement is using index finger point the others casual. Indeed, the movement is in bad taste and impolite to western people. This is reproof and rebuke. 7. Chinese male like to put hands on other mans shoulder for a long time. And Chinese female frequently take other womans hand closely for long time. These shock the foreigners because they consider this gesture means homosexual. 8. When Chinese people receive or send a cup of water or a gift, they will use two hands to accept it to show appreciate and admiration. But American people dont care about whether use one or two hands. 9. When talking with American people Chinese like to put their hands crossed behind their back or into their pockets. But these gestures make the American think you are hiding guns in your hands. 10. Chinese may scratch their noses when feeling uncomfortable. This is confused the western people because in their culture this movement means Im telling a lie. 4.2 Some embarrassing examples due to misunderstanding of body language Under the same culture, people may have misunderstanding because of the body language, even the different culture. Culture difference in different countries, so the body language can express different meaning. If we do not understand the other peoples meaning, it will have misunderstanding and displeasure. For Examples: Tom is the manager of an American company in China. Recently, Li Lei, one of the Chinese staff makes a mistake at work. He is very upset about what had happened, so he comes to Toms office to apologize. Entering the office with smile. He says: I feel terribly sorry for the mistake. I am here to make a sincerely apology to you and promise that it will never happen again. When he said this, the smile always on his face. But Tom feels it is hard to accept and ask himAre you sure? Li says yes with smile. Tom is angry and saysYou dont look sorry at all. If you really feel sorry, how can you still smile? Li feels so embarrassed and does not know what to do. A Chinese student Wangdan and her friend, the American student Judy who studys in China were on the way to store. They saw a boy fell down on the ground. He tried to stand up while the surrounding people laughed. Luckily he was ok. Judy was worried but found Wangdan was smiling too. She was very curious and asked how could you laugh when someone else fell down. Why dont you help him to stand up and ask him whether he was hurt. Wangdan said, Because they know he was not hurt too much. But Judy still couldnt understand. She said, In my culture, if this was happen, we would do anything but laugh. The former examples are all about the smile. In daily life we usually smile, but in different culture, this ordinary movement can bring misunderstanding or some more serious results. When western people come across these situations, they will with solemn face to apologize or come to console the boy. Though smile means happy, it is the symbol for people in general, but in different culture, smiling in the communication are different. The western people think smile always means happy, high in spirits or think something is funny. But Chinese people often smile, because it not only means humours and satisfaction, also means embarrassment and protection, even a kind of evadable. So it confuses the western people, they say it is too hard to understand. In China, people sometimes use smile to eliminate embarrassment, also means never mind, and the person smile to self-mockery or play a joke. But if the affair is very serious, people will provide help but laugh out of court. So for the peopl e who do not know the meaning, this kind of smile will make them unhappy even produce antipathy. A Chinese student went to a American family and sent present to the child of this family,when he beckon to the little boy, yet the boy back off him. The hand movement is very abundant and with infective. Every gesture has its particular function. In the case, the Chinese student used Chinese gesture, which palm facing down and making a scratching motion with fingers to beckon. This is different in America that means to go away. When they let somebody to close up, their palm facing up or only move index finger. This is opposite to Chinese and may bring Chinese peoples repulsion. V. Conclusion After the briefly analysis of the analysis of body language in intercultural communications, we have a knowledge about the relationship between culture and language, and the influence of body language in the communication. The body language in our daily life is incalculable. Every one can use his body to represent himself. Body language is the same as verbal language to be the carrier of culture that may cause misunderstanding in the international communication because of culture difference. As an English major, to understand the culture of the target language is very important. Having the knowledge of body language will be helpful to us in intercultural communication.

The Reasons for Rapid Population Growth in Nineteenth Century Britain

The Reasons for Rapid Population Growth in Nineteenth Century Britain The Reasons for Rapid Population Growth in Nineteenth Century Britain Number of people walking the face of earth has always been at constant change and the growth in population has always been a great issue of concern and attention by governments and leaders throughout time, especially if occurred in a short period of time. Reasons for rapid expansion in population can be accredited to several factors such as fertility, mortality, migration, and marriage. This natural cause sometimes beneficial and sometimes disastrous depending on the conditions and locations, could be controlled in very difficult ways. In the 19th century Britain, the rapid growth in population was one of great economic, social, political, and environmental changes that laid the basis of the society, as we know it today. Of these changes none has proved to be more significant than that of the redistribution and restructuring of Britains population. Furthermore an interpretation of the causes of demographic change in that critical period following the demise of the old pre-industrial population regime which led to the modern twentieth-century pattern in which both fertility and mortality are particularly low. After a period of unusual stagnation from 1700 to 1740, the population resumed its normal upward trend and afterwards between 1740 and 1780, the growth rate averaged 4 percent to 7 percent per decade, then accelerated to over 10 per cent per decade until 1911. The years between 1811 and 1821 had the most rapid population growth where it reached 17 per cent per decade. The second greatest growth was the decade 1871-1881, where it reached 14 per cent. However the greatest increase which was over 4 million, did not occur till 1901-1911. Subsequently the rate of increase declined dramatically and the population, having doubled between 1780 and 1840, and doubled again at the end of century, rose by only about 50 per cent in the next sixty years to come. The distribution and composition of the British population in the nineteenth century was radically altered due to increased population emigration, especially the migration to more urban areas in search of a better life. There was also a ma jor shift in paradigm in regards to social attitudes, particularly during the latter half of Queen Victorias rule over Britain. As a result, during this time a shift towards small family size or family limitation occurred because changes in prospects of marriage were becoming a noticeable trend. Also substantial advancement in healthcare helped to improve the quality of a healthier life for the people of Britain, drastically changing the chances of one living or dying prematurely. Not only did the population changed in composition, but also in distribution. Great Britains population in 1801 was an estimated eleven million, and in 1901 that number rapidly grew to 37 million, with Londons population share increasing from 9 per cent to 12 per cent. By 1901, Londons population was more than twice that of Wales and slightly more than of Scotland. Among the many epithets applied to the nineteenth century, the age of statistics would seem one of the most appropriate. The first British population census was conducted in 1801 and was subsequently repeated every ten years. While civil registration did not replace the recording of ecclesiastical events, particularly baptism and burials, it did mean that parish registers lost their position as the principal source for demographic enquiry. At mid century, agriculture was in steep relative decline, representing about 20 per cent of those employed. Manufacturing was holding steady at about 33 percent, domestic service contri buted 14 to 15 percent and the remaining 32 percent was made up from professions such as: mining, transport, building, dealing and public service. Moreover. By the end of nineteenth century, agricultures contribution to employment was no more than 10 per cent. Unlike the increase in fertility in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, the experience of the late Victorian period was dominated by the secular decline of marital fertility and perhaps a movement towards nuptiality was started. (Woods, 1987; Wilson and Woods, 1992). Furthermore, we may now assume in a way it was not open to contemporaries that marital fertility was reduced as the direct consequence of changed behaviour rather than some general decline in fecundity. Patterns of thought and action were changing rather than physiology (Teitelbaum, 1984). Likewise, it is unlikely that the phenomenon was merely a result of the invention, marketing, adoption, and effective use of new methods of birth control. The rubber condom, Dutch cap, and douche all became available during the last decades of the nineteenth century. They were however rather too expensive for the general use until the 1920s and 1930s when the results of retrospective surveys reveal a far more widespread a doption (Peel, 1963). Since it was known that marital fertility was significantly reduced, it must be assumed that some combination of sexual abstinence, coitus interruptus, accurate us of the safe period and induced abortion were the most likely means by which family limitation was brought about. None of these methods was new to Victorians, however the desire and confidence to use them were innovatory (shorter, 1973; McLaren, 1978; Sauer, 1978; Soloway, 1982). Economists have provided one of the most important theoretical contributions to the study of fertility, their focus has tended towards the costs and returns of having children, the costs and availability of contraceptive methods, inter-generational wealth flow, and the conflict between investing in children or consumer durables. Children, especially in traditional peasant societies, represent a source of labour, income and security for their parents. But in the nineteenth century Britain, the economic value of children to their parents was far less obvious and presumably far less likely to enter any accounting framework for reproductive planning. In general if parents were not attempting to maximize their fertility in order to reap financial gains for the family wage economy, they were also not attempting, until after the 1870s, to restrict their fertility in order to avoid the liability of childrearing (Haines, 1979; Crafts, 1984a, 1984b). In addition, it was also unusual at this ti me for married women to be employed outside of the home, for reasons of tradition and lack of opportunity thus childbearing and rearing did not represent an alternative to wage earning as they do today. There is a persistent line of argument in demographic theory which holds that high levels of fertility are necessary to match high levels of mortality, and therefore that when infant or childhood mortality begin to decline, marital fertility will also be reduced without adversely affecting the effective level of fertility. That is, the supply of new adults capable of reproducing (Brass and Kabir, 1980; Teitelbaum, 1984; Woods, 1987). Therefore, mortality decline not only facilitates the reduction of fertility, it also acts as a strong inducement. Setting aside for the time being any consideration of what causes mortality patterns to vary, it is still obvious that for this particular demographic mechanism to work there must be a distinct time lag between the decline of mortality and f ertility during which average family size will increase. Married couples would be impelled to limit their fertility thereby avoiding accompanying financial burdens which the survival of larger numbers of children would bring. This interpretation assumes that there is a distinct chronology to demographic change that a sophisticated adjustment mechanism is created requiring considerable foresight on the part of married couple and a degree of reproductive planning. In Britain, childhood mortality certainly did not decline at the same time as marital fertility, but infant mortality did not begin its secular decline until 1899-1900 (Woods, Watterson and Woodward, 1988). It seems likely that the reduction of infant and childhood mortality did eventually help to sustain marital fertility decline, but that mortality decline was not an initiating factor (Reves, 1985; Coale and Watkins, 1986, 201-33). The origins of the decline of marital fertility in Britain, as in much of Western Europe wit h the exception of France, are to be found particularly in last quarter of the nineteenth century. This much at least is clear from available statistics, but there are many aspects of this fundamental change in demographic structure that remains obscure. We know that until the 1870s British marital fertility was consistent with natural fertility, that was largely biologically determined with little sign of parity-specific control. Generally speaking, the births were neither deliberately spaced nor were there attempts to prevent conception or live birth once a particular number of children had already been born. A womens fertility was influenced by her physiological ability to conceive, her proneness to spontaneous abortion, and the frequency of coitus. The first mentioned declined with age, the second increase, while the last mentioned declined with the duration of marriage (Bongaarts and Potter, 1983; Wilson, 1984, 1986). During the nineteenth century, life expectation at birth in Britain improved from the mid-thirties to the upper forties and the low fifties by 1911. Of the change, most occurred in the latter part of the nineteenth century and was particularly obvious among those aged from 5 to 25. There was little or no decline either in national infant mortality levels or in mortality rates for those aged 35 plus before 1900 (Woods and Woodward, 1984, 39). However, there were important local and social variations in mortality. The local differences were closely tied to environmental conditions, but especially urban/rural differences. The lowest levels of life expectation were invariably in urban places, and especially in what would now be called the inner cities inhabited by the poorest families in the worst housing with the most inadequate sanitation. Even in 1841 when life expectation at birth was 26 in Liverpool and 37 in London, it was 45 in Surrey and probably 50 years in the most salubrious rural areas (Woods and Hinde, 1987). By 1911 the national average had increased and the urban-rural differential had narrowed substantially. Moreover, it remains a matter of speculation whether the wealthy urban middle classes or the poor agricultural labourers experienced the lower level of mortality. Mortality rate began its secular decline, as well as a rapid decline of infant mortality towards the turn of the century. General fertility rates were in decline throughout the century, but from the 1870s marital fe rtility also began its secular decline. Fertility and mortality rate have declined since the late eighteenth century but the time paths for the three countries traces vary, quite markedly. In France, fertility and mortality declined together from an early date and natural growth remained at a low level throughout the nineteenth century. In Sweden, Mortality declined before fertility in a way that has come to be regarded as normal and coincidental with the predictions of the classic demographic transition model. On the other hand, in England, the modern rise of population was initiated by the increase of fertility in the late eighteenth century and was only supported by the secular decline of mortality. These differences of form, pattern and the timing of change suggest the diversity of demographic structures in Europe in the nineteenth century, but they also illustrate aspects of a broader picture of conformity. In any consideration of the nineteenth century population history pride of place should go to mobility and migration, both internal and international. Not only did Britains population experience radical redistribution, but the age, sex, and skill selective nature of migration also changed society, economy, and environment in several very important respects. Over 90 per cent of the late nineteenth century mortality decline in England and Wales was due to conditions attributable to micro organisms, with 33 percent associated with respirator tuberculosis; 17 per cent with typhoid and typhus; 12 per cent from cholera, diarrhoea, and dysentery; 5 per cent from smallpox and 4 per cent from non-respiratory tuberculosis. It is believed, and as McKeown argued that the specific changes introduced by the sanitary reformers were responsible for about a quarter of the total decline of mortality in the second half of the nineteenth century. The remainder of the improvement, mainly associated with tuberculosis, must be attributed to the rise of living standards brought about by the industrial revolution, that is, perhaps half of the total reduction of mortality (McKeown and Record, 1962, 129). This last quarter could be attributed to changes in the character of diseases especially scarlet fever (Eyler, 1987). The argument for the attribution of the f irst quarter is relatively easy to follow, how else could the water borne diseases have declined but what of tuberculosis? The direct effects of specific therapeutic measure can be ruled out conditions of exposure to the diseases, diet, physical, and mental stresses remain. McKeown excluded the last mentioned and claimed that exposure via crowding at home and at work were not reduced before 1900. Therefore, diet remained the most likely influenced on the downward trend of tuberculosis mortality. There are four major aspects of migration and emigration that are of particular significance. First, the outer rural periphery- especially the west of Ireland and the Scottish Highlands- experienced massive emigration which caused general depopulation (Flinn, 1977; Anderson and Morse, 1990; Withers and Watson 1991). Although the Irish case is often linked to famine migration in the 1840s, the history of Irish emigration to North American and Great Britain is very complex which famine probably only exacerbated. Secondly, the countryside in general suffered net loss to the towns (Saville, 1957; Lawton, 1967). From Cornwall to Norfolk, Dorset to Anglesey and Aberdeen agricultural labourers, servants, and small tenants left and were not replaced, except by machines. In a few rural counties, such as Kent, this did not lead to absolute population decline because natural growth exceeded net out migration. Thirdly, the great industrial and commercial centres of central Scotland, the English North and Midlands, and South Wales, not only increased their citizenry but also expanded physically until they coalesced into the amorphous conurbations so well known in the twentieth century. These Victorian cities grew particularly rapidly both by net migration and natural growth, despite high mortality. Intra-urban migration also fuelled suburban expansion which eventually affected whole cities, primarily through the depopulation of their inner areas. In the cases of certain Scottish and Northern industrial towns this process was obvious even in the late nineteenth century (Lawton, 1983; Morris, 1990). Lastly, London should probably be treated as a special case since it not only maintained its British primacy but also its share of the total population. The new problems associated with managing and servicing such a massive concentration of people (nearly five million by 1901) imposed many strains, not least in terms of transport, social inequalities, which were made more obvious by their juxtaposition, and sanitation. The broad picture of European migration shows that from 1821 to 1915, 44 million people left, of which Great Britain accounted for 10 million and Ireland for 6 million. More detailed estimates suggest that between 1853 and 1900, 4,675,100 people left England and Wales for a non- European destination and 896,000 left Scotland. In both cases more than half went to the United States with a further firth to Australia (Carrier and Jeffrey, 1953; Easterlin, 1961; Baines, 1985). There is little reason to doubt that economic pressures, whether relative or absolute, played an important part in influencing the decision of many couples to limit their fertility in the late nineteenth century, but what still remains in doubt is why that pressure only took tangible effect in the last quarter of the century and why the secular decline of marital fertility occurred so rapidly that different occupations, status groups and social classes all appeared to be reducing their family sizes. All of about the same rate and time, but from rather different levels (Stevenson, 1920l Innes, 1938; Woods, 1987; Haines, 1989). Of those occupational groups that are relatively easy to identify, coalminers provide interesting illustrations of the difficulties encountered in developing purely economic explanations of fertility decline (Friedlander, 1973; Haines, 1979). Coalmining districts and families are known to have had higher fertility longer and have been among the last areas and social groups to attempt family limitation. A commonly held account argues that the income curve for coalminer peaked in the early to mid-twenties. There were few employment opportunities for women in such areas constrained a surplus of men and marriage for women was early and general. The demand for male labour was usually abundant, but the work was dangerous, accidents and injuries were common and often fatal. Therefore there was little economic incentive, as there was in the lower middle classes, to restrict fertility. But it is also likely that these rather closely knit communities perpetuated an ethos which was strongly ori ented towards mens values and womens obligations and therefore less compatible with that degree of foresight and co-operation between the sexes. Something that was necessary for successful family limitation before the development of effective intra-uterine devices and oral contraceptive. It should be stressed that the British experience of the secular decline of marital fertility was merely part of a Europe-wide movement in which Britain was later than most of France, but in step with much of Germany and Italy (Coale and Watkins, 1986; Watkins, 1991). The most important structural barriers to change appear to have been the major linguistic and cultural divisions, as well as the strength of pro-natalist religious feeling. Just as in Britain, it is not possible to say in detail how or why family limitation became a common practice, but the most plausible interpretations also stress the importance of changes in attitude and the removal of constraints on behaviour emphasised in the soci ological approach rather than the after effects of industrialization and urbanization or the prior decline of infant and child mortality. The electoral swing was Europe wide, relatively rapid, and has not been reversed. Farrs work on the demographic statistics of England and Wales have made it possible to describe in some detail the pattern of mortality variation in the nineteenth century, but we are still far from providing a full explanation of the origins of the decline of mortality during the nineteenth century. We know that medical science have had only a minor influence on the decline of mortality before the 1930s and that the cleansing of great cities was a special problem in a country like Great Britain which had a particularly high level of urbanization, but once the sanitation and public health problem had been solved then the positive effects would have been immediate and lasting. We also know that poverty brings poor diet and thus low nutritional status, and inadequate housing persisted and were then, as now, closely related to variations in mortality rates. The significance of and reasons for the decline of mortality from tuberculosis continues to be an area for enquiry, but few now fol low McKeowns lead and argue from mortality via tuberculosis to improved living standards, especially diet. Many would now regard the nineteenth century as a period on which the foundations of modern medical science were laid (Pickstone, 1985). The rapid growth which began around 1740 was sustained in the nineteenth century. Death rates, which had fallen in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, stabilised at around 22 per 1,000 between 1820 and 1870, a development chiefly attributable to the appalling living conditions in industrial towns at the time. By the 1870s the public health campaign, which had been initiated in the 1840s to provide towns with drainage and pure water supplies, began to pay off and the general death rate fell from 22.3 per thousand in 1871 to 13.8 per thousand in 1911, which is a drop of about 40 per cent. Other contributory factors were the rising living standards (more food and clean clothes) and improved urban environment (better housing, public baths, and wash houses). On the other hand, the birth rate that had remained fairly high throughout the century began to decline during the 1880s. There were several main causes that lead to this decline. Children were becoming an economic bur den rather than an asset, as the Factory Acts limited employment opportunities and the Elementary Education Act (1870) required their attendance at school. Real incomes were rising and, for the first time, people were faced with the possibility of sustained improvement in their life. Increasingly they saw a clear choice between more children and a better life, and tended to favour the latter. Also large numbers of young men were emigrating and this lowered the marriage rate in many places. Resulting a decrease in family size, from 5 to 6 children in the 1860s to 2 to 3 in the 1920s. This tendency started among the middle classes and permeated slowly downwards through the social pyramid. One important statistic changed scarcely at all, the infant mortality rate. Though fluctuating year by year from 100 to180 per thousand, it averaged about 135 per thousand in the 1890s as it had in the worst decade, the 1840s. The explanation lies in the vulnerability of infants to infectious disease s in towns. Between 1901 and 1921 the rate fell dramatically by about 50 percent. The expansion of population and the progress of industrialisation were inextricably intertwined: 1. A rising labour force was provided to facilitate the introduction of intensive agriculture, as well as to mine coal and work in factories. Infant industries were able to draw on young, mobile labour with no vested interest in obsolete skills and without having to offer high wages to lute it from other employments. 2. A growing market for the necessities of life (food, clothes, shelter, and household goods) was provided, encouraging entrepreneurs to experiment with new techniques to enable them to produce more, faster, and cheaper. This steadily expanding domestic market exerted a valuable cushioning effect whenever volatile export markets underwent a temporary recession. It must be emphasised that population growth did not, of itself, lead to industrial progress. It had this effect because it took place in the context of an economy that was already dynamic with abundant resources, a new technology of steam-power and machinery and a vigorous class of businessmen to exploit them. In Ireland this foundation was lacking, and therefore population growth simply led to mass poverty on an unprecedented scale. In conclusion, the rapid population growth in Britain in the nineteenth century was caused by several different reasons such as: fertility rate, mortality rate, healthcare, emigration, migration, occupation, and other economical aspects. Furthermore, a number of informed observers believe that this fate would overwhelm England in the nineteenth century. The most influential of these was the Reverend T.R. Malthus, whose Essay on the Principle of Population as it Affects the Future Improvement of Society was published in1798. He argued that population always tended to increase in geometrical progression whereas food supply only increased in an arithmetical progression. The former would, therefore, tend always to outrun the latter, producing wide-spread misery and eventually mass famines. 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